![]() ![]() While the ecology of fear continued to focus on the means by which community structure impacts specific behaviors, some choose to broaden the study to the ecosystem level (e.g., Madin, Madin & Booth, 2011). ![]() Joel Brown colloquially referred to these non-consumptive effects as the “ecology of fear” ( Brown, Laundré & Gurung, 1999). These efforts continue today, and predominantly focus on the study of non-consumptive effects of predators on entire communities ( Appendix S1) (e.g., Kotler, 1984 Sih, Englund & Wooster, 1998). This historical shift can be traced back to the model that first tested top-down trophic cascades (e.g., Paine, 1963), and large collaborative and conceptual efforts to explain the dynamics driven by predator–prey interactions (e.g., Hassell, 1978 Murdoch & Oaten, 1975 Rosenzweig & MacArthur, 1963). In other words, how species’ resource-use efficiency impacts interspecific interactions on an evolutionary scale-resulting in present day community structures shaped by extinction and speciation events ( Vincent & Brown, 2005). The study of community ecology has developed from a study of how species affect each other in terms of resource competition to the study of how that competition affected community structure over evolutionary time ( Morris & Lundberg, 2011). Herein, based on current applications of the LOF conceptual framework, I suggest the future research in this framework will be directed towards: (1) finding applied management uses as a trait defining a population’s habitat-use and habitat-suitability (2) studying multi-dimensional distribution of risk-assessment through time and space (3) studying variability between individuals within a population (4) measuring eco-neurological implications of risk as a feature of environmental heterogeneity and (5) expanding temporal and spatial scales of empirical studies. In addition to direct predation risk, the LOF is affected by individuals’ energetic-state, inter- and intra-specific competition and is constrained by the evolutionary history of each species. The LOF, as a progeny of the “ecology of fear” conceptual framework, defines fear as the strategic manifestation of the cost-benefit analysis of food and safety tradeoffs. With the increase in popularity, it became necessary to clarify the definition for the term, suggest boundaries and propose a common framework for its use. In the American English exclamation land's sakes (1846) land is a euphemism for Lord.Landscapes of Fear (LOF), the spatially explicit distribution of perceived predation risk as seen by a population, is increasingly cited in ecological literature and has become a frequently used “buzz-word”. ![]() To take the lay of the land is a nautical expression. Original senses of land in English now tend to go with country. But Boutkan finds no IE etymology and suspects a substratum word in Germanic,Įtymological evidence and Gothic use indicates the original Germanic sense was "a definite portion of the earth's surface owned by an individual or home of a nation." The meaning was early extended to "solid surface of the earth," a sense which once had belonged to the ancestor of Modern English earth (n.). Old English lond, land, "ground, soil," also "definite portion of the earth's surface, home region of a person or a people, territory marked by political boundaries," from Proto-Germanic *landja- (source also of Old Norse, Old Frisian Dutch, Gothic land, German Land), perhaps from PIE *lendh- (2) "land, open land, heath" (source also of Old Irish land, Middle Welsh llan "an open space," Welsh llan "enclosure, church," Breton lann "heath," source of French lande Old Church Slavonic ledina "waste land, heath," Czech lada "fallow land"). ![]()
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